MR Ministers’ Unpopularity: Belgium’s Liberal Achilles Heel
Ministers from Belgium’s Mouvement Réformateur (MR), the French-speaking liberal party that holds power at nearly every level of government, are facing a deepening popularity crisis that analysts warn could become the party’s defining vulnerability ahead of the 2029 elections. According to a detailed analysis by La Libre Belgique, the MR’s ministerial corps is struggling to connect with voters, with only one figure bucking the trend.
The Sophie Wilmès Paradox
Former Prime Minister Sophie Wilmès remains the MR’s most popular figure, ranking first in both Wallonia and Brussels according to the June 2026 RTL-Le Soir barometer. Yet paradoxically, Wilmès holds no executive office and has reportedly been excluded from the party’s strategic bureau meetings — a situation that has created what La Libre described in September 2025 as a “glacial chill” between her and party president Georges-Louis Bouchez.
A Troubling Electoral Picture
The polling data paints a stark picture for the MR. According to a RTBF/VRT/De Standaard poll published on May 29, 2026, if elections were held immediately, the MR would fall to 20% in Wallonia — down from 28.2% in the 2024 federal elections, representing a loss of nearly one-third of its voters. In Brussels, the drop would be even steeper, from 21.5% to 14.2%.
A subsequent RTL-Le Soir barometer on June 12 delivered more bad news: Les Engagés (20.2%) edged ahead of the MR (20.1%) in Wallonia for the first time, with the PS leading at 29%, the PTB at 16.8%, and Ecolo at 8.1%.
The Ministerial Rankings
The individual popularity rankings reveal the depth of the problem. In Wallonia, no MR elected official except Wilmès appears in the top 10. Minister-President of Wallonia Adrien Dolimont ranks only 16th, Walloon Economy Minister Pierre-Yves Jeholet ranks 18th, Federal Deputy Prime Minister David Clarinval ranks 21st, and Federal Energy Minister Mathieu Bihet ranks last at 30th. In Brussels, Interior Minister Bernard Quintin ranks 15th and Education Minister Valérie Glatigny ranks 23rd.
Even Bouchez himself, the party president since 2019, ranks only 13th in Wallonia — a modest result attributed to his polarizing “style” that generates both fervent support and strong opposition.
Why the Unpopularity?
The analysis identifies several interconnected factors driving the MR’s declining fortunes. First, the party is bearing the political cost of unpopular but necessary fiscal consolidation measures across all levels of government, with reforms yet to produce visible results. Second, critics within the party itself acknowledge that the MR’s governing approach is perceived as stubborn and provocative rather than courageous. As one anonymous liberal observer told La Libre: “Where people should see courage from the MR, they see stubbornness and provocation.”
Third, Bouchez’s outsized media presence and centralized control leaves little room for other ministers to develop their own public profiles. “You can’t simultaneously want to promote new faces and leave them no room to exist,” an anonymous MR member noted. Many MR ministers are relatively new to national politics and lack the personal recognition needed to compete in popularity polls.
Bouchez’s Defiance and the 2029 Gamble
Despite the mounting evidence of voter discontent, Bouchez has ruled out any cabinet reshuffle, viewing such a move as a sign of weakness. At the MR’s 180th anniversary celebration on June 14, he struck a defiant tone: “In 2029, we will win the elections,” he declared, arguing that “people will recognize those who had the courage to take their responsibilities.”
As reported by Belga, Flemish liberal leader Frédéric De Gucht (Anders) used the anniversary to call for unity, warning that “liberal forces can no longer afford the luxury of internal division.”
What Lies Ahead
The sustained polling decline suggests structural vulnerabilities that three years may not fully resolve. The rise of Les Engagés as a centrist competitor ahead of the MR in Wallonia creates a direct threat to the party’s position as the leading French-speaking party, while the PTB at 16.8% represents a significant protest vote that could further fragment the center-right.
The Wilmès-Bouchez rift remains a potential fault line — the party’s most popular figure is marginalized from strategic decision-making, while Bouchez’s strategy of centralized control may be creating a ministerial bench that lacks independent political weight. Whether the MR can reverse its fortunes before 2029 will depend on whether it can address its image problem, develop its junior ministers’ profiles, and demonstrate that its reform agenda delivers tangible results for voters.