Brussels station patrols: Deterrent or just symbolism?
Three months after the Belgian government deployed 45 soldiers to patrol Brussels’ main train stations, a mixed picture has emerged. While the khaki uniforms are unmistakably visible, drug dealers have adapted their methods — and questions are mounting about whether the measure is delivering real results or merely serving as symbolic politics.
The deployment
Since April 3, 2026, mixed patrols of three soldiers and two federal railway police officers have been operating at Brussels-North, Brussels-South, and other sensitive transport hubs. The protocol between the Interior and Defense ministries runs for six months initially, with a possible extension after evaluation, as VRT NWS reported.
Unlike previous military deployments after the 2015 Paris attacks and 2016 Brussels bombings — when soldiers operated under Operation Vigilant Guardian with broader powers — this mission is strictly limited. Soldiers have no police authority: they cannot issue citations, conduct searches, or make arrests except in cases of legitimate self-defense. When a crime is observed, a separate police intervention team must be called.
On the ground at Brussels-North
A reportage by Het Laatste Nieuws from Brussels-North station paints a vivid picture of the reality. The area around the Aarschotstraat exit — long notorious for open drug trafficking — remains a lawless zone where dealers approach passersby without hesitation.
“Fights don’t just happen at night, but also during the day,” an anonymous civil servant from the Brussels Capital Region told HLN. “Sometimes it seems like no one really has it under control anymore.”
Commuters have learned to adapt. Jean-Pierre, a traveler from Antwerp waiting for his connection to Luxembourg, was approached three times in five minutes by different men asking for cigarettes. “That happens here constantly,” he said. “It’s frustrating, but you just learn to ignore it.”
Shari, another commuter from Antwerp who works in Brussels, takes a pragmatic approach. “As long as they don’t threaten or attack me, I don’t have a problem with it,” she said. “Sometimes answering politely is the fastest way to move on. But this isn’t exactly a pretty picture of Brussels.”
The numbers game
Interior Minister Bernard Quintin (MR) points to official statistics as evidence of success. According to data his cabinet requested from the federal police, reported incidents decreased by 22 percent in Brussels metro stations and 14 percent in train stations between April 2025 and April 2026.
“The decrease in complaints and certain police indicators shows that the visible presence of mixed patrols can have a real effect on the ground,” Quintin said. “Those who cause nuisance or commit criminal acts must feel that the government is present and taking action.”
Adaptation and limitations
Yet critics argue the statistics tell only part of the story. Drug dealers have adapted to the military presence — transactions continue within 100 meters of patrols. The underlying drivers of the drug trade — poverty, lack of legal status for many dealers and users, high demand — remain entirely unaddressed.
The military union VSOA Defensie has been the most vocal critic. Chris Huybrechts, the union’s representative, called the operation “symbolic politics” from the start, as Bruzz reported.
“We understand the need is urgent and that you then resort to all possible means,” Huybrechts said. “But the soldiers are starting this mission without a legal framework. So soldiers are needed to protect the population, but who protects the soldiers?”
Huybrechts also highlighted poor working conditions: soldiers earn approximately €5 per hour net, sleep in tent camps (four soldiers per 5x5 meter tent), and operate on a 24/7 schedule with a 30-minute response requirement. “Today, some people who have committed criminal offenses have better housing conditions than the soldiers protecting the population,” he said.
Structural challenges
The operation also creates operational friction. Each mixed patrol requires two police officers who must remain with the soldiers, reducing police flexibility. When a crime is spotted, a separate intervention team must be called, creating delays. Meanwhile, the local police taskforce (Noordwijk) that achieved notable results against drug crime in 2023 was later reduced due to personnel shortages.
A new regulation requiring hospitality and sex work establishments in the Brabant district to close between 1 AM and 6 AM — introduced on April 1 — may simply be displacing crime to other locations and times rather than eliminating it.
What’s next?
The protocol between Interior and Defense runs for six months and can be extended after evaluation. The new defense codex, which would clarify rules of engagement for soldiers, is still pending. Minister of Defense Theo Francken (N-VA) is working on it, but no timeline has been announced.
Several key questions remain unanswered: Will the protocol be extended? Could soldiers eventually be given police powers, similar to the Dutch Marechaussee? Can the police force be strengthened sufficiently to make military support unnecessary? And perhaps most fundamentally — does a visible military presence address the root causes of drug crime, or does it merely push the problem around the corner?
For now, the soldiers remain on patrol, their automatic weapons a visible symbol of a government grappling with a problem that has no easy solution. Whether that symbol translates into lasting safety for Brussels commuters is a question that, three months in, remains stubbornly open.